white supremacy

Gay Leather Titleholder Blames QPOCs for Ruining the BDSM Community 'Gene Pool'

People of color are expected to be the fetish and not have sexual desires

He wrote:

The need for validation appears to be growing among younger members of the community. We are letting them believe the only way to get out attention is to play the ‘victim cards’  of race, sexual orientation, and claims of gender performance … individuals playing this victim card are not only poisoning the system, but turning it into a system of inclusion.  ‘Faggotry Politics’ of this nature ruins the risk of turning our once powerful community into a weakened joke defined by its passion for drama over just helping one another achieve orgasmic results….

Echoing conservative pundits, like Jeffrey Lord, he offers a conservative rehash of “identity politics,” namely, “victim cards,” as a threat to the stability of the leather community. But this where it gets scary.

Chomper also writes, “The victim card thing is becoming routine and forcing otherwise stellar leaders to rethink their commitment to the role [of mentoring the next generation]; thus, shrinking our gene pool.”

That’s right. When basically saying that the “older leather people” do not want to mentor the next generation, Chomper evokes the idea of a “shrinking gene pool.
”

Yes, we are now getting into the language of “gene pools,” a similar language to the language espoused by Nazi leaders, such as Adolf Hitler and the American eugenicists before him in the 1920s and 1930s. These people advocated pure “races” of people; and to get there, we would have to ethnically cleanse a population by sterilization and extermination.

Whether or not he is aware of the context of these words is up for speculation. But at the same time, it is clear that he’s making a relationship between individuals “playing the victim” and the supposed dearth of the “gene pool.”

angelindiskies:

Don’t ever command me to, or demand of me to, forget about slavery. Don’t tell me it happened years ago and those people are dead now. Don’t tell me to get over it! This centuries old grudge that they have had against the nation of my People… My mother tried to explain this to me decades ago and I wasn’t sure what to think because of my US of A schooling.

They (Europe) could not get over the fact that these slaves freed themselves. Their revolution inspired enslaved people in other nations to revolt. Haiti opened its ports to freed people seeking asylum… White supremacist European leaders hated Haiti for this… America didn’t even recognized Haiti as a free nation until Lincoln (over 60 years later). The  so called protector of the Western hemisphere [America], turned its back while France continued to threaten Haiti with invasion and enslavement. America and Europe would not trade with Haiti. They allowed France to extort ~22 billion dollars from this tiny nation.

People want us to forget slavery and yet these countries’ couldn’t let go of this grudge;

Let this country be free…. They had everyone believe that our religion, that is older than Christianity, was something evil…. That we were a backwards nation of people (black) that should be feared…. They had everyone believe, for a good amount time, that HIV/AIDS came from Haiti… They punished Haiti and continue to punish Haiti for truly being a land of the free and a home of the brave.

Let my people go!

Today, I have never been more proud to be the child of Haitian parents.

‪#‎beingHaitian‬

Forget? This is happening in my lifetime

Christian Ledan

I will reblog this often

Hey, @realDonaldTrump, I posted this a while ago… here’s a history lesson on why #Haiti suffers so much.  

A South African Artist’s Self-Portraits Excavate the Traumas of Apartheid

“On March 9, 2015, at the University of Cape Town, the student and activist Chumani Maxwele walked over to a bronze statue of the nineteenth-century British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes and flung a bucket of human excrement at the monument. It was the first in a series of rebellious acts that became known as the Rhodes Must Fall campaign, which would later inspire the student-led protest movement Fees Must Fall on campuses all across South Africa. The incidents helped trigger a nationwide debate about the glorification of white supremacy and the legacy of apartheid, and about the country’s need for fuller, more authentic representations of black life.

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The controversy around these protests has had lasting effects not only among educators and students but also among artists. One of them is the photographer Mohau Modisakeng. This year, Modisakeng is representing South Africa, along with the artist Candice Breitz, at the fifty-seventh edition of the Venice Biennale. The thirty-year-old Modisakeng, who graduated from University of Cape Town’s Michaelis School of Fine Art, in 2009, uses haunting and meditative self-portraiture to create striking images of a country that is in the midst of reëvaluating itself. Born in 1986, Modisakeng grew up in an informal settlement in Soweto, in a makeshift home without electricity. His mother was Zulu and his father was Motswana, and they were part of the influx of migrant workers that, in the early nineteen-eighties, flowed into Johannesburg’s sprawling southwestern townships, where most of the city’s black population was forced to live during apartheid. “In my art, the significance of growing up in Soweto is dealt with from a biographical standpoint. I am referring to memories from my childhood that somehow highlight what was happening in South Africa,” Modisakeng told me recently.

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Modisakeng’s Soweto childhood has fuelled a research-based photography practice in which he creates layered scenes, littered with iconic symbols that explore the nation’s history by “trying to understand how it affects the black body,” he said. His photography and video work also follows the character-driven overtures of African self-portraitists such as Samuel Fosso and Iké Udé. In the photograph “Frame XV,” we see Modisakeng pictured holding a long sjambok whip, a visceral symbol of state-sanctioned violence that he remembers the police using to maintain order during the final years of apartheid. In the series “Lefa,” which is a Setswana word for “inheritance,” he captures himself, from above, lying in a bed of coal. The image evokes the industrialization of his home town of Johannesburg. The performative series “Metamorphosis” features images of Modisakeng in closeup and against a black backdrop, wearing his signature black-brimmed trilby hat, shaking white powder from his face and chest. It appears as if his body were physically changing form, in a state of transformation that alludes to South Africa’s long democratic struggle to define itself.

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At Venice, in the South African Pavilion, Modisakeng has mounted “Passages,” a three-channel video projection that, like his photography, reveals the beauty and trauma of black bodies in motion. The nearly eighteen-minute work follows the individual journeys of three South African voyagers, each carrying a single possession, wading through waters, trying to get ashore. In Setswana, Modisakeng says, life is referred to as botshelo, or a passage, and human beings are called bafeti, or voyagers. It’s a view of existence that suggests that all experiences are transient.”

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article By Antwaun Sargent May 25, 2017

If you truly knew what the N-word meant to our ancestors, you’d NEVER use it

A few years ago, I read slave narratives to explore the lives of black agricultural workers after the end of the Civil War. The narratives came from the Federal Writers Project of the Works Progress Administration, a program that employed researchers from 1936 to 1938 to interview former enslaved people, producing more than 2,300 narratives that, thankfully, reside online and are fully searchable.

Those whom the law defined as property recounted various unique human experiences — their daily horrors and monotonies, how they freed themselves or learned of their emancipation, the surge of exhilaration upon securing freedom, and how they endured life on the edges of a white supremacist society in the decades thereafter.

As I pored over the narratives, I was struck less by their experiences, as heartrending as they were, than by how their experiences sculpted their self-perceptions. The best explanation of what I gleaned, what social scientists called internalized oppression, describes the psychological trauma that ensues when a person from a stigmatized group believes those negative stigmas.

White folk indoctrinated them into accepting their supposed inferiority. These narratives illustrate the success of this campaign of mental terrorism, and no word conveyed the depth of this internalized oppression more than “nigger.” Now, whenever I hear the epithet, a visual and emotional representation of the heinous process by which a people — my people — were induced to think they were less than trespasses into my thoughts. After years of habitual use of “nigger,” I banished it from my speech to honor the humanity that many never saw in themselves.

The internalized oppression revealed itself in various ways. Sometimes the former enslaved people clearly, perhaps subconsciously, considered themselves subhuman, just like how their former owners regarded them. Jim Allen, for example, dubbed himself his master’s “pet nigger boy” and a “stray” and thought himself privileged because he could sleep on the floor beside his master’s bed. That he likened himself to a fortunate mangy mutt or frisky feline crushed me. The word laid bare a worldview that held black folk as a lower order of being, as when Irene Robertson claimed her former master Mr. Sanders was mean, in part, because “he beat his wife like he beat a nigger woman.”

“Nigger” also signaled antipathy toward fellow black folk. After the end of slavery, Mattie Mooreman went north to Wisconsin with a white family for whom she worked. Members of the family wanted her to go to the circus to watch a black boy’s performance. She told her interviewer, “Guess they thought it would be a treat to me to see another niggah. I told ’em, ‘Law, don’t you think I see lots, lots more than I wants, every day when I is at home?’ ” But read how she talks about the family’s baby, whom she constantly watched over, fearing, irrationally, someone would kidnap him: “No matter what time they come home they’d find me there. ‘Why don’t you go in your bedroom and lie down?’ they’d ask me. ‘No,’ I’d tell ’em, ‘somebody might come in, and they would have to get that baby over my dead body.” Her eyes fixated on the white baby, but she saw too many niggers.

A barrage of dispiriting uses of the word bloodied me as I combed through the narratives. “The Ku Klux kept the niggers scared.” “The Ku Klux did a whole lot to keep the niggers away from the polls. …” Slaves owned by “nice” masters are repeatedly called “free niggers.” “Niggers ain’t got no sense. Put ’em in authority and they gits so uppity.” “I’se just a poor old nigger waitin’ for Jesus to come and take me to heaven.” Slave traders are called “nigger traders.” Defiant enslaved people required the service of a “niggerbreaker.” “Nigger dogs” aided the recapture of those who escaped.

Perhaps more depressing, ironically, was that circumstances sometimes led them to opt against calling a black person a nigger. William Porter stated that “some of the Tennessee niggers was called free niggers. There was a colored man in Pulaski, Tennessee, who owned slaves.” A black man who kept others in bondage — he’s a “colored man,” yet those who were owned were “niggers.” I instantly thought of a moment from the O.J.: Made in America documentary when a white woman who saw black people talking to Simpson uttered, “Look at those niggers sitting with O.J.” Simpson delights in hearing this because she “knew I wasn’t black. She saw me as O.J.” Porter’s outlook matched that of both the racist white woman and the unspeakably racially deranged O.J.

Since reading those narratives, I’ve noticed this mindset when perusing the remarks of freed people in other contexts. For example, before the trial of Rufus Martin, a black man who stood accused of the 1903 murder of Charles Swackhammer, a woman whom the Fort Worth Star-Telegram referred to as an “old negress who occupied a front seat in the court room” bellowed:

  • “It’s the white people that is to blame. They know that they got to make niggahs work or they ain’t no good and they know as long as they ‘low niggah men to loaf aroun’ low down saloons they ain’t goin’ to work. This man come from a good niggah fam’ly — one of the best I knows of, but the p’lice ‘lowed him to loaf aroun’ without workin’, and to drink and gamble, till he just got to be no good and thought he didn’t have to work. The p’lice ought to raid them low down niggah saloons every day and every night till they make every blessed one of the niggah toughs go to work or else send ’em all to the county road. Them saloons is what makes bad niggahs and the white folks is to blame for it, ’cause they let ’em run.”

That Martin sported a reddish mustache, light hair and skin so bright he could pass for white almost certainly colored her perception that Martin came from a “good niggah fam’ly.”

Black folk rescued the word from the smoldering debris of a virulently racist land, reclaimed it and renovated the slur into a celebration of black comradery — defenders of contemporary usage of “nigger” repeat this. When this tale collides with reality, however, it shatters as a misreading of history — the current use of the word is owed less to white folk calling black folk “nigger” and more to black folk who thought they were niggers and said so. Black people have hurled the infamous word for nearly as long as white folk have. It exists within black speech now because it existed within black speech then. The uncomfortable truth must be confronted: Absent the internalized oppression of those who called white men and women their masters, “nigger” would probably not be a part of black folk’s lexicon. We black folk are reclaiming it not from bigoted white folk but from our ancestors, who, sadly, deemed their blackness a badge of inferiority.

I seek not to usher the word to the gallows. I harbor no aims to kill it. I can still bump a Young Thug track or chortle at a Dave Chappelle routine. “Nigger” does not bar my enjoyment of popular culture. My soul, though, winces whenever I hear it. The decision for black people to include it in their vocabulary, nonetheless, remains personal, and I reject the criticism of black folk who continue to wield it.

I write only to summon the words of former enslaved people from beyond the grave to express that “nigger” is haunted by the ghosts of hate and the more spiritually chilling ghosts of self-hate.

Brando Simeo Starkey is an associate editor at The Undefeated and the author of In Defense of Uncle Tom: Why Blacks Must Police Racial Loyalty. He crawled through a river of books and came out brilliant on the other side.